রবিবার, ২৩ অক্টোবর, ২০১১

Designing Dhaka: History of a Future



Cities are strange things; they are neither given to us as found objects like a shell on the beach nor are they conjured up in a dream out of thin air1.  Cities are destination, of an assiduous search or a meticulous plan.  We are not certain of finding them, yet we know that they can’t be found if we don’t start to found them.  In the Latin classic The Aeneid, Aeneas, the hero of Troy, leaves home with an entourage to found a new city that came to be known as Rome; the journey for the city becomes the odyssey.  The Aztecs wandered over mountains and forests following a sacred sign before they founded the city of Tenochtitlan on a lake (that later became Mexico City).  And, in the Candi-mangal, Kalaketu builds a new city following carefully a visionary plan, and the city becomes a successful experiment in sociological formation.  These narratives indicate that to find a city that one is looking for may take a prolonged wandering or bit of a sustained effort.
Even as we celebrate the past 400 years of the city of Dhaka, we wonder whether we have found the city that we have been looking for, or whether at all we have started a journey.  For such a journey is preceded by a vision or a utopia.  Where is Dhaka’s utopia?
The term utopia retains negative connotations affixed either to a fantasy of the bizarre or pathology of the unobtainable. But utopia is primarily generative, based on critiques of the present to propose a better future.  From Thomas More’s humanist society and Renaissance ideal cities to modern urban visions, the image of the city and social utopia have been inseparable in imagining a promised and future landscape.  Realism is usually invoked as a counter-thesis of utopia, but realism itself is a fiction we prop up to maintain and benefit from a debilitating status quo or hide our inability to come out of the shadows.  Daniel Burnham, the 19th century American architect who designed parts of Chicago and Washington DC, said decisively: “We need to dream lest we become like owls accustomed to the night and thinking there is no such thing as light.”
Well-meaning detractors will ask why clamor for the city when apparently more crucial things are at stake.  Bangladesh continues to be seen as a rural civilization (with some bursts of industrial islands at best), and therefore much of the cultural discourse, including political and institutional programs, champions the ideology of an eternal “gram bangla.”  But in the last thirty years or so, something dramatic has happened: an urban movement has taken hold of the country.2  More and more people now live in cities, and if they do not, they participate in its dynamic, making cities and towns no longer minor parties in the national project but vigorous sites of human habitations, relationships and economies (the result places a big question mark on the “eternal” nature of “gram bangla”).  If cities are the battlegrounds of our anxieties, they are also the decisive locus of our imaginations and capabilities.  And that is why cities require a more imaginative and critical attention; they cannot be addressed through technical or legislative considerations alone.  Cities do not begin from policies, but from dreams and visions. 
The future of Dhaka city is the future of the country.  While it is imperative to plan the urban landscape of the whole country, from primary cities to small towns, from the mahanagar to the mofussil, Dhaka will continue to play a vital role in impacting places far and wide.  In the absence of any solid tradition of civic urban culture, Dhaka city remains the sole model of urban development in the country.  It is ironic that every small town, every nook and corner in the mofussil, wishes to mimic a dysfunctional Dhaka.  Buildings, grouping of buildings, roads, institutions and commerce in the small towns are all beginning to look like some pale imitation of things Dhaka.  It is in that sense the future landscape of the country depends on what we make of Dhaka city.  Cities, therefore, require the boldest thinking, especially when our cities – again Dhaka as ‘role model’ – continue to exemplify the ignoble conditions of a malfunctioning system.  Why should we then not demand from the political elite a clearer vision for the future of our cities and towns, recognition of the importance of planning cities in the national agenda, and more definitive plan for Dhaka.

What a City is

The city continues to taunt us as we have not yet made peace with it.  The notion of the city has not yet settled comfortably in our cultural imagination, as a result of which our urban discourse remains naïve and undeveloped.  We see the city nothing more than a cauldron of crises and problems.  But before we proceed to solve the city's myriad problems, it is crucial to gather a consensus on what we mean by the city.
A city is civilization.  The city today has become harder and harder to define, yet that persistent, ancient idea is still conveyed by the popular English term.  The term “city” is linked to the Latin word civitas and to civilization and citizen, and therefore describes the finest form of civic, collective life.3  To Jaime Lerner, former mayor of the miraculous Brazilian city of Curitiba, the future is in cities and cities can be the most beautiful collective dream.4  He rejects the notion that the city is a problem; it is, in fact, the solution to collective existence. 
The city is the most obvious spatial condition of how we should live as social group in a civic and humanistic manner.  Cities require buildings, but buildings alone do not make a city.  Cities are socio-psychical facts; they express, according to the French sociologist Henri Lefebvre, our being and consciousness (which led Lefebvre to write “the right to cities,” a manifesto for a transformed city and egalitarian participation in urban life).  The first tag – socio – is comparatively easier to address, but the psychical facts are irksome to many trying to unravel the mystery of the city. 
The comprehension of our own cities is far more rudimentary.  In the grand sweep of our agricultural rhetoric, our deep and ancient sentiment for the soil, we continue to see the city as a curse, a sentiment that is old as the Vedic suspicion of the city.  Most of our poets and writers sing only the song of the village, producing an unrelenting imagination around the mythic village; no wonder that most of the political elites are in a perpetual tension with the city.  We fail to acknowledge the emerging truth that for the first time in human history nearly half of the planetary population is now urban dwellers, and in the context of Bangladesh, the city is now as essential and crucial as the paddy-field.

What Dhaka Can be

Dhaka is not a city, yet.  What is touted as “growth” in Dhaka is actually the pillaging of the city in the name of progress and development.  Dhaka has no cohesive plan and proceeds only with bursts of ad-hoc decisions, usually taken by bureaucrats, ministers or half-baked professionals with no deep knowledge of and abiding love for the city.  The city is being built furiously but without a language for building, that is, without a language for streets, a language for open spaces, a language for the river’s edge, a language for housing.  The end result is the same as elsewhere where the city is left to such dysfunctionalism: remorseless development, curse of pollution, heightening social inequality, unpredictability of services, increasing break-down of community (moholla), wretched transport and road system, blatant occupation of land and waterways, ravaging of open spaces, and lack of models of how people should live collectively.  Being in the top ten populous cities of the world, and one of the most densely inhabited places on earth is not an accolade but a passage towards an ecological and social cataclysm.  Unless that is stemmed by desire and design.
The poet Shamsur Rahman wrote about Dhaka, “This city daily wrestles with the wolf with many faces.”  Nearly thirty years of relentless greed, political nonchalance, and administrative inefficiency has positioned the city towards a calamitous future.  From what was truly a garden city on water, Dhaka now faces a certain civic and environmental deterioration.  With failures in urban planning and management, development has fallen largely to private interests, which often act without regard to natural resources, urban context, or community benefit.  As a chaotic urban development places increasing strain on its social and environmental fabric, the people of Dhaka must negotiate a civic deterioration that is, ironically, aggravated in the name of progress and growth.  Thus the paradox of city-building: one can destroy a city by building it.
A well-functioning city is designed and meticulously planned which then is diligently implemented; it simply does not happen on its own.  While there should always be latitudes in design, a city begins and proceeds with a plan, one that has both poetry and pragmatism.  Dhaka dearly needs a vision of what it can be, what is possible, and what is more profitable in every respect.  Development and investment should follow that plan. 
And the plan should be based on urbanism, on the quality of urban culture, and not urbanization, a set of abstract statistics and economic parameters.  The term “urbanization” describes the dark side of the modern city: migration, malfunction and misery; it does not show how a city can be lived in its fullest human, social, aesthetical and ecological potential.  Those ideas are taken up by the term “urbanism.”  We have to overcome our ambivalence of the city, and declare a positive and proactive manifesto about our urban destination.
Dhaka needs a bold and creative plan that addresses its tropical, hydrological, and civic conditions.  We need to conceive, first of all, the idea of a tropical city in the twenty-first century.  Far from being a situation of calamity, Dhaka can become a tropical model that responds to the particular geological and environmental conditions of a deltaic place.  Even until the 1950s, with its spacious green spaces, majestic trees, crisscrossing canals, civilized riverbanks, and boats plying through the heart of the city, Dhaka promised to be both a garden city and a place by the water.  With buildings in a setting of lakes, gardens, orchards, and parks, Dhaka can still set the model for a tropical city.  Only then it can be billed as a Bengali city, and a truly sustainable one.5
And, secondly, any vision for Bangladesh will have to consider the emerging urban landscape not as a cause for crises but as vast opportunities.  Dhaka can be a city for change, a smart city positioned globally in the age of trans-nationalism.  Cities are not merely dire sites of institutional and social failures that need constant remedial attention; if properly organized, they can be economic, social, and cultural dynamos.  Bangladesh’s potential for utilising its human resources in the new era of global economy remains largely untapped, and yet there are ways by which Dhaka (and other towns and cities) can be oriented towards a unique development programme merging urbanism and economic growth.6  
For all that is wrong and all that is calamitous, Dhaka can still be a laboratory for a balanced urban dynamic.  The profile of a new Dhaka may emerge from the following considerations.

A Liquid Landscape

Dhaka is a child of the Buriganga, and yet it turns its back to the fundamental reality of being part of the world’s most dynamic hydrological system. Too few planners, no city fathers, and even the people of the city remember that Dhaka is a tender land-mass framed by three rivers and a fluid landscape. This is the most central issue for beginning any discussion on the future of Dhaka. Dhaka cannot forget its genealogy, for that forgetfulness will be reciprocated by dreadful environmental effects. An audacious vision for Dhaka has to begin from where Dhaka began at the edge of the water: To think about Dhaka not from the center but from the edge.  The edge is where the solutions are.  The Dutch urbanist and architect Rem Koolhaas considers the edge (of the city) as a beautiful urban form.  Although Koolhaas meant the ambiguous edge of the post-industrial European city, the important implication is that the edge is the new urban challenge.

 Idea of a linear city along future eastern embankment with wetlands and agriculture inside and  controlled exchange of water (Takao Ugai and Cham Wadu, University of Hawaii, 2010).

What is that “edge” that will help us to re-conceptualize the city?  The edge describes the rivers and the hydrological and aquatic landscape that frames Dhaka.  The first task is to consider carefully how the edge should be defined and what should be the language of that edge condition even if it is a fluctuating one.  We need to re-think that Dhaka is a precious land-mass surrounded by rivers, canals, wetlands, and agricultural landscape; how Dhaka, in fact, is like an island.  It is clear that the battle for Dhaka is being fought over the edge, what with encroachment of rivers, filling up wetlands, buying off of agricultural lands, and the wholesale transformation of a precious ecological system (in the name of “housing societies”).  New models of urbanism that respect the ecological requirements of Detailed Area Plan (DAP) of the master plan and embrace the economic desires of development are possible through creative propositions.  It need not be an either/or situation; there could be options that do not see the ecological ethics in simple conflict with development models. 
Dhaka is a deltaic city, and water forms the matrix of the city.  It is not a simple image of a picturesque landscape; it implies communication, drainage, economic life, festivity, and a certain way of being.  Working with water and embracing wetness mean working with a total environmental relationship. The rivers, the wetlands, the flood plains, the eighty inches of rain per year, the drainage are all tied in an intricate relationship.  A deltaic city cannot be developed by economic desires alone.  We have to evolve our desires and imaginations from the mathematics of the delta.
Planning around land and water (and not land versus water, which is how conventional planning thinks) could give Dhaka a very unique characteristic distinguishing it from the other cities of the world.  As co-writer and architect Saif Ul Haque notes: “Water could provide inexpensive transport solution for the city, it could serve as reservoirs for containing monsoon rains, it could provide for valuable protein for the city dwellers by fish farming, and it could help in keeping the underground water table stable by way of percolation and other methods.”  A new vision for Dhaka has to begin from the precious landscape of wetlands and agricultural terrain, ushering a conception of a city that integrates urbanism, agriculture, and flood.  We need to realize that we can try to take the city out of the delta, but we cannot take the delta out of the city. 

A City That Is Dispersed and a City That is Contained
The foci of Dhaka need to be radically reorganized.  Dhaka is “growing” in its own happy rhythm, tickled every now and then by fragmentary official initiatives.  This “growth” is neither relieving pressures at the centers nor creating a liveable urban development.  The whole city and its peripheries should be brought under an active and aggressive planning net and coordinated development spurs.  New urban nodes as townships should be created, and existing and congested centers revitalized so that selective commerce, institutions, and government offices may be dispersed across the urban region in a uniform way. 
It is not a contradiction to say disperse the existing city, while at the same time contain its unbridled expansion.  The idea suggests that a metropolitan Dhaka needs to be framed within a regional Dhaka.  It means the axis and locus of development should be identified in the wider Dhaka region after examining the regional landscape.  Once the footprint of the expanded city is identified, the perimeter and in-between zones should be carefully delineated so as not to affect more agricultural areas and wetlands.  A rigorous balance should be established between Dhaka’s urbanization needs and ecological obligations (which is what DAP has set out to do but without provisions for creative planning).
A thorough balance should be established between needs and obligations.  Once that is done, it should be maintained with rigorous vigilance.  A wider Dhaka can be conceived by creating new nodal and satellite towns within the administrative reach of Dhaka but also expanding to regional towns as Manikganj, Munshiganj, and Gazipur.  The first circle could be developed as nodal townships within Dhaka, and the second ring of existing towns could be energized to create a network of satellite towns.  The new modal towns should be high density developments with selective commerce, institutions and government offices.  Such reorganization depends on a new network of movements that connect the nodes, and this is where the much talked about circular water and rail routes come in. 
The following should be the manifesto for Dhaka’s planning: (a) Selective decentralization: Spreading out the pressures from the existing city. (b) Creating a network of nodal and satellite towns. (c) Restoring the older city, and revitalizing it. (d) Creating new urban nodes, and revamping existing ones. (e) Delineating the built periphery of the city, and maintaining it. (f) Creating a new network of movements connecting the nodes.

City = Mobility

It is obvious that Dhaka’s future is in a de-pressurized regional city made of a matrix of a new and revitalized nodes and towns.  For Dhaka to spread out and yet remain connected requires a successful transport system.
Dhaka requires a radical restructuring of its transportation network to sustain itself as a city.  There are three responses for Dhaka’s traffic trouble: Mass transit! Mass transit!! Mass transit!!! The only rapid solution is to introduce systems that will bring in and move as many people as required in as less number of vehicles as possible.  We identify three crucial sectors – rail, bus and waterway – where new transportation modes may be implemented without facing too many infrastructural and constructional challenges.  

 Transportation hub linking rail, road and water (Ashraf with Masudul Islam Shammo, 2010).

Dhaka has a perfect condition for a circular rail (and road) system that rings the city with cross-city links.  The circular rail (conceived along the embankment) could also be an opportunity for creating new and revitalized urban nodes along its line.  For the cross-city rail system, Dhaka’s main train hub may be shifted from Kamlapur to Tongi.  There is no particular locational benefit to Kamlapur as all train destinations pass by Tongi.  By shifting the station to Tongi will free the train line from Tongi to Naryanganj for a faster and frequent commuter train system serving the city.  The Tongi-Naryanganj Line may be the start point for more elaborate commuter system that is present in current transportation planning strategies.  At a future phase, an elevated track may be constructed over the existing lines for a faster, express line. 
Buses continue to be the accepted mode of urban mass traveling but are hardly effective mass transit.  A thorough revision of bus network and travel mode is needed where eco-friendly vehicles carrying large number of passengers may be introduced on dedicated routes.  This will require a few things: Freeing left lane as dedicated routes for special and designated buses, and creating special designed bus stands for faster transfer and passenger loading.  To implement the system quickly and effectively, tax benefit and other incentives may be provided to private investors and operators.
Water-based transportation system for Dhaka is a natural choice in a water-borne geography.  Regularised and extensive water-transport system will also be a way of ensuring the effective use and control of rivers and canals, and their edges.  The way Dhaka has turned its back to its rivers may be reversed by implementing a strong riverine transit system.  For the riverine system to be effective, multi-modal stations need to be created that are conveniently linked with other transportation loops.  As river stations can be hub of riverside development and spur for energetic growth, the planning of such hubs should be done carefully in order to control haphazard development.  The waterway system can also be extended into the heart of the city after clearing up and deepening some of the encroached canals.  With the completion of the Hatirjheel and Gulshan Lake redevelopment projects, water-taxis will be able to link, for example, Gulshan and Kawranbazar.
Urban spaces are the most precious ingredients of a city considering that buildings alone do not make a city, but buildings and spaces in a well-knit fabric.  Spaces could be varied and wide-ranging, from formal to informal, from large-scale to intimate, from South Plaza at Sherebanglanagar to space outside Gausia Market.  Large spaces include areas of assembly, maidans, parks, gardens, lakefronts, riverfronts, etc., while small spaces may just be an intersection of two lanes, space under a tree on a sidewalk, or just a broad sidewalk.  Dhaka one time had an enviable resource of such spaces; now they have either vanished or are vanishing in an avalanche of greed and manipulation.

Parks, gardens & ponds as public spaces along riverbanks 
(Chretien Macutay and Aarthi Padmanabhan, University of Hawaii, 2009).

The city of Dhaka used to be synonymous with trees: flower-bearing, scent-giving trees, trees that marked the passing of the seasons, trees that gave shade, and trees that added to a healthy environment.  A model in the mind is the street in front of Dhaka Medical College, or what it used to be, a most dignified row of shadow-giving, corridor-creating trees, or a street intersection in Becharam Dewry with a banyan tree creating a cool space-defining public square. But that was then, when we were a bit more civic-minded, and concerned about the larger scheme of things.  The climate of Dhaka desires it to be a garden city, a city of trees, flowers and foliage.  “Light, Green, Air!” that old modernist slogan that produced cities like Chandigarh and Brasilia is not as defunct as one thinks.
The sidewalk (or the footpath) is the supreme mark of the civility of a city; it belongs to the culture of walking, strolling and promenading. The quality of sidewalks gives evidence to what the city managers think about a fundamental human condition: The pedestrian and her humanity.  Dhaka shows no such conception. It’s a city where driving a car has become an essential symbol, and the poor pedestrian just a pitiable creature at the bottom of the totem-pole.  Such urban pedestrian devices as boulevards, promenades, riverwalks, and just simple sidewalks that are the hall mark of all livable cities are completely non-existent in Dhaka. 

 Promenade along riverbank (Ashraf with Masudul Islam Shammo, 2009).

The pedestrian and the sidewalk is ultimately an indictment on the car, on its ultimate effect of the automobile on the natural environment (through pollution, etc.), urban exchange (disruption of the public realm), and social interaction (segregation of classes). A successful pedestrian infrastructure means relying mostly on a set of public transportation such as railways, buses, vans, trams, ferries, and such public spaces as elevated and moving walkways, tunnels, footbridges and regular sidewalks.  If we could walk, many of us would not need to drive cars.7

Housing is the Fabric of the City
Housing is the material and social fabric of the city, and yet housing is Dhaka’s greatest failure.  Despite what seems like a developer’s boomtown, Dhaka has not been able to create suitable residential models for the many different communities that inhabit it.  There simply has been no vision of how we should live as a group in our emerging urban conditions. 
Housing is more than a numerical and fiscal matter; it is the key to enhancing the quality of life, both that of the immediate dwellers and the overall city.  The platoon of housing experts has not been able to provide any vision of how we should live as a group in new urban scenarios.  The public sector housing, catering to government and corporation employees still continues along the defunct line of building one block after another with no thoughts for social spaces. The limited and lower income groups have been completely ignored in the housing equation. The middle-class is making do with what it can in the brutal housing and rental market.  The planners and experts are still floundering with two dull-witted models: the individual plot with the independent bungalow-style house, and the individual plot with a box-style apartment building. 

 Housing density study: (a) a conventional layout for a planned Dhaka neighborhood with 840 units (6 storey), (b) pair of units forming interior courts with 960 units (6 storey), (c) semi-tower blocks with 1540 units (Lori Walker and Tessa Pobanz, University of Hawaii, 2010).

High-density group housing (Vitti-Saif Ul Haque Sthapati Consortium, 2010).

The unimaginative strategy of making new housing areas by plotting and subdividing land should be ceased immediately, and alternative imaginative models of mass or group housing should be explored.  Dhanmandi that started off as a “model” residential area using the plotting mechanism has now been disfigured beyond recognition by new living and economic imperatives.  Dhanmandi could be better.  Instead of building up on a plot, for example, in an isolated manner, 8 to 10 plots could be pooled together and developed as one single housing complex with various shared internal facilities including generous open spaces, gardens, meeting and play areas, a shop or two for the whole complex.  Similar strategies may be taken for Uttara, Purbachal and other so-called planned towns.  Loan and tax incentives may be offered for initiating projects like this in existing built conditions such as Dhanmandi and Banani.  For newer areas under planning, such group housing should be introduced by regulation.
The idea of “housing for all” by 2015, as declared by the Awami League government in its election manifesto, along with the “growth-center centric village housing” in every union and upazila, is certainly a powerful one but remains vague if no hint is given on what kind of housing, how it will be delivered and how it will first constitute a human settlement and social habitation. 
Housing is ultimately about building communities. This is critical in the context of Dhaka today when older structure of communities (moholla) is fast disappearing, and the current patterns of residential models is not encouraging community building.  Dhaka has become a city of fragments, with its social cohesiveness tattering away, broken down to the individual households living in their walled enclaves. The truth is that the general form of a city - its physical and spatial configuration - is capable of nurturing or disrupting the nature of communities.  The current framework of plot-based residential “development” will not lead to community building.
A housing manifesto for Dhaka should be based on the following:  (a) Stopping the planning of plots. (b) Developing group housing complexes, and building exemplary housing and housing complexes.  (c) Providing housing incentives at all economic levels, especially the lower income.  (d) Innovating mechanisms for private developers to supply housing at all income levels.

Urban Assets
A city thrives when it values its assets, and those could be buildings, natural spaces, built open spaces and urban districts.  While this may be obvious, sometimes the obvious is not that obvious in Dhaka. 
In this city, there are indeed many Dhakas.  Dhaka has given rise to several urban morphologies, each of which represents a particular social, economic and environmental destiny.  In the older city, hugging the river, colorful mixed-use buildings are crowded cheek-by-jowl along narrow, winding streets in tradition-bound neighborhoods.  Further from the river in the Ramna area is the old colonial quarter, studded with bungalow-and-garden type governmental, cultural and residential buildings, many of which were built during the colonial rule.  Louis Kahn’s Parliamentary Complex is another distinctive area in the city’s urban and social fabric that represents a world-class urban ensemble of buildings, lakes, orchards and parks.  The so-called planned residential areas created as plotted properties with individual buildings were the most distinctive development of the 1960s and later (a morphology that is now undergoing radical transformation).  Alongside these formal areas, however, are vast, amorphous swaths of largely unplanned residential and commercial growths that are glaring symptoms of planning failure in addressing the rapid transformation of the city.
It would be a pity if all of Dhaka began to look the same because of uniform development orientations and planning regulations.  Certain areas in the city - “urban treasures” or heritage-rich areas - should be immediately marked as special zones, and every means adopted to preserve them through differentiated regulations and uses.  Such areas include Wari, Chowk, Shakhari Bazar, Alia Mia Talao, Balda Garden, etc. 
Building as a catalytic event has often been an occasion to give new cultural and economic impetus to a city.  What was once a dreary urban environment has often been turned around at the physical, psychological and economical level by the creation of a new and inspiring work of architecture.  Such is the power of good architecture: a single building or complex that can change the life of a city.
If Sherebanglanagar was a spark produced in the 1960s by Louis Kahn, Dhaka needs few more impetuses now.  There are critical areas in the city that need to be addressed in the most creative way before they are vandalized by illegal invasions or officially by poor planning.  Such areas should be developed in an exemplary way to inspire and edify, as well as open them up for new urban experiences. The old airport area is waiting patiently to be used as a new gift to the city (until that happens one cannot understand why that area cannot be enjoyed as a public park).  The central jail could be relocated at a new location and the area opened up for new park, cultural, recreational and selective residential uses for the people of old Dhaka.  The BGB area at Peelkhana could similarly be renovated.  The totality of such catalysis could go towards a dynamic transformation of the city.
All these understandably may take time and resources, and that is why it is imperative for the government to form an Urban Task Force, empowered with the proper authority and manned by the right expertise that begins to address some of these things.  The Urban Task Force should take a stance on the following (to create short-term and long-term goals): an overall intelligent plan for Dhaka; and, urban strategies for the whole country.  The latter suggests a coordinated and managed development of a network of primary cities and smaller towns with precise ideas about the constitution of such cities keeping in mind interlinked issues of housing, transport, public spaces, wetlands and waterways, and their regional impacts.  As I have claimed elsewhere, and I truly believe, if there is a political will, there will be a way out of perdition.  And if the political parties who claim authority over our destiny have set us up on a dream time with calls for social justice, environmental protection, economic equality, good governance and human rights, why should we not add to that life in the city that is truly civilized and modern, and Bengali.

 

Epilog: Three Catalyses

Dhaka needs critical interventions in selected sites that will be models for transforming of the city.  The projected developments will be urban catalysts, acupuncture in the miasma-ridden body of the city in order to develop a clear and distinctive language for exemplary developments. 
A satellite view of Dhaka clearly reveals the immensity of the water system that surrounds Dhaka and penetrates the edges like a vascular tissue. The satellite view also makes it obvious that amidst that watery landscape, Dhaka is surrounded by a region of undefined settlements, some of which are established, while others are in the throes of a helter-skelter evolution. They are a product of both planning callousness and development abuse; that is, whatever planning exists for some of those areas is poor both in conception and implementation, and whatever development goes on is short-sighted and simply troubling. I hold the view that a condition of dystopia is also an occasion for imaginative renovation.  Such sites of urban disarray provoke a strategy where pockets of intervention can be identified for creating new paradigms of city-building.
I identify three areas as potential sites of critical interventions for the remaking of Dhaka city:

Revitalizing Sadarghat

The redevelopment of Sadarghat could be a catalyst for an economic and social rejuvenation of not just old Dhaka but the whole city.  Sadarghat remains one of the most dynamic areas in Dhaka, but its fullest potential has not yet been realised. In fact, from being a historic civic space and an energetic urban place, the area has now become the symbol of sharp physical, social and environmental deterioration.  With thoughtful and imaginative planning, Sadarghat could be transformed befitting the riverfront of any decent city.
A “riverfront district” with a new authority can be designated with Sadarghat as the epicenter for the purpose of producing and maintaining a clean river, a civic riverfront and a sustainable and exemplary riverfront district enjoyable for and accessible to everyone.  The district will exhibit model public spaces and civic buildings designed especially for a riverfront condition. 
The single goal of the riverfront development is to return the riverbank to the city.  That would simply mean that the banks (to a certain clear width) should be decreed as public space allowing uninterrupted access for people where no private encroachment and building of any sort will be allowed.  The whole length of the riverbank in the district should be developed as a tree-shaded promenade, largely a pedestrian public space that is linked to other open and green spaces, historic sites, and special purpose buildings creating a clear and legible pedestrian network.  Parks and gardens, even floating ones on the river (on barges), could be part of that network.  One foresees dynamic activities on and along the river through the systematic promotion of boat racing, water pageants, floating restaurants and various tourism related enterprises. 
It is obvious that to have riverbanks, one needs to have a river.  The dynamicity of the river, along with its canals (whichever are remaining), should be recovered and maintained by eliminating adverse features and modifying some of the existing conditions (a drive that is ongoing).  A re-planned and reconstituted Sadarghat can be a more powerful economic engine than what it is at present catering both to the vibrant economy of the old city and new economic bonanza.  This may be achieved through new commercial generators, such as well-planned shops and markets, modern business centers, hotels, restaurants, eateries and other enterprises, including large scale cultural and entertainment centers.

Intensifying the City: Tongi

Despite a seemingly dense and overbuilt reality, there are areas in and around Dhaka that suffer from low or poor urban intensity.  While some of these areas have designated urban administration, they are in fact far less than being urban.  From Tongi in the north to Savar in the west and Keraniganj in the south, there are “para-urban” pockets that await a systematic urban intensification than the pell-mell urbanization taking place.
There are many such opportunities in this city of a reckless future. Take Tongi for example, a curious urban configuration that one would be hard-pressed to call even a “township.”  Tongi is divided blatantly along the Dhaka-Gazipur Road. On the western side, there is a somewhat disciplined layout of industrial lots, while on the east is a wild melee of dwellings, factories, industries, shops, markets, vestigial lands that do not come together to forge an efficacious urban community.  Tongi is a good example of how old agricultural lands have tumbled pell-mell into ad-hoc land divisions and usages without an urban identity and coherence. Tongi is but one example of such areas in Dhaka: settled, populated, urbanised but without urbanism.
There still remains a great opportunity for converting Tongi, and areas like that, into a highly planned and effective urban fabric. I describe such a development as an urban “acupuncture” as it not only affects, positively, the immediate area but also offers multiple dividends for the rest of the city. Such a development is also an opportunity to plan the “outer ring” of Dhaka city that can give new impetus to developments in those rings.
The whole of Tongi area can come under a special planning action that can systematically convert it into a denser, planned and truly urban place that is socially and economically richer. Reorganization of a vast part of Tongi is easily possible that might create new garments factory district with demarcated areas for factories, offices and warehouses, and housing and amenities for the workers with efficient transportation network.  Similarly, an IT district may also be conceived where people can be trained in the emerging industry and setup of outsourcing stations. Only then, Tongi may be reincarnated into a modern industrial town, and a proper gateway to Dhaka.
Tongi can also become the model of an “eco-city” that maintains a balanced relationship of development and ecology with the use of river and its banks. The area around the bridge, along the banks of the Turag, can be developed as an arts district with carefully designed buildings in a setting of parks and public places.  The arts district may house a set of civic buildings such as a convention center (along with a hotel complex) that can become a new urban focus for the city.  The edge of the river can be a long promenade that connects the bend of Turag in Asulia in the west to the railway crossings in the east.

Building on the Flood-Plains

The touchiest topic in Dhaka is the business of building on the flood-plains, that is, the refiguring of the city’s edge.  A land-water form that was characterized by an intricate network of canals, ponds, agricultural fields and wetlands all ultimately linked to the river is being aggressively changed simply by land-filling and creating dubious “housing societies,” a process that marks the so-called urbanization of Dhaka all around its edge.  

 High-rise housing cluster on stilts (Ashraf with Masudul Islam Shammo, 2010).

There are two sets of questions, one is on the flood-plains: Is building on the flood-plains a contradiction? Does this conspire against the ecological principles embedded in DAP? How to resolve the pressure of building and the ethics of the environment?  The other questions involve the edge: What should be the perimeter of the city?  What will happen beyond that edge?  What will be the relationship between two sides of the divide?  Dhaka cannot grow infinitely in every other direction, swallowing up wetlands and agricultural land with mind-numbing speed and greed, and throwing off balance a precious ecological and hydrological system.  If not, then, how will be the population growth and the appetite for urban land solved?  That is the challenge.  The brilliance for urban designers and planners will be to show that sustaining and enhancing Dhaka’s geographic life system can address growth.
The conceptual question is: How does one dwell in an aquatic landscape?  How does one inhabit the water?   We have to bring a paradigmatic shift to how we see the environment at the edge, which is primarily and fundamentally a liquid landscape.  It appears that we do not have the conceptual framework for dealing with such a landscape; the planning designation “land-use” may not be quite appropriate.  We might have to coin a new term: “water-use” or “land-water use.”  We have to confront the challenge of how “to bring the city into the flood-plain and the flood-plain into the city.”

In such a fluid landscape, the question of “site” has to be revised, as sometimes there is no site in the conventional sense, and “building” may have to happen on water itself.  In one prospect for such a situation, a new network may be conceived that is made of cautious and careful development – streets, walkways, housing and public places – that are mostly elevated either on stilts or non-continuous earth mound over agricultural fields, gardens and parks, each at different elevations and responding to different levels of flooding.  A new urban morphology is suggested where the porosity at the lower level will allow an unimpeded flow of water at different seasons, and a more or less stable urban form overlaid on that. One edge of Dhaka is defined by a controversial engineering monument: the embankment (the built western edge and the anticipated eastern one).  The embankment itself could be the generator of a wholly different building and landscape morphology that makes new matrix for settlements, transportation, use of wetlands and agriculture.  Ribbons or clustered development could be conceived at strategic locations along the embankment that will contain primarily high-density housing and commercial spaces (the embankment will double as a transportation corridor).  The flood-plains will also be reorganized for designated areas of rice cultivation, elevated fields for perhaps orchards and rose cultivation (that will also be accessible as parks via boat or bridges from the ribbons), and permanent canals for boat-ways.
The embankment itself needs to be re-conceptualized.  Instead of being a stark divide that has often compounded than solved problems, the embankment may be deconstructed into a series of interlocked walls, planes and platforms, creating a grid of bounded areas.  The result could be a new framework where water from either side – city or river – could be allowed passage in either direction in a controlled way.  The gridded spaces controlled by locks and sluice gates will create retention ponds, water reservoirs, water filtration areas, natural parks, or agricultural fields as needed.  The new interlocking “walls” could be a platform for creating housing structures over a continuous pedestrian or vehicular movement system.
The flood-plains require a new investigation of the place of agriculture and fishing in relation to urbanism.  This involves a more uneasy issue in social and topographical utopia: the possibility of reorganizing scattered homesteads in the flood-plains into clustered and close-knit settlements served by proper infrastructure while dedicating the plains for planned, intense agriculture and fishing in response to the rhythm of flood.  This is perhaps the next big challenge for our planners and policy-makers: Can this be a model of settlement and economic production in the future catastrophic scenario of climate change?
 
Notes and References
1.     Segments of this article were co-written with Saif Ul Haque, and published at various times in the Daily Star and Forum.  The images are drawn from planning and design studies conducted with students at the University of Hawaii, Honolulu, and Temple University, Philadelphia.
2.     The urban population of Bangladesh will be 45% in 2030, up from 10% in 1951 and 25% in 2000, see Ness and Talwar, Asian Urbanization in the New Millennium (Singapore: Marshal Cavendish International, 2005).
3.     Of the Bangla terms “nagara” and “shahar,” the former of Sanskrit and the latter of Persian origin, “nagara” relates to a place of buildings and structures, and also describes what is clever and cunning. The “nagarika,” for example, is someone adept in the pursuit of “kama” and “artha.” Suffixes in names like “pur,” as in Gazipur, refers to a fort, while “ganj” to a market. None of these terms suggest the idea of a civic polity, the ethical and spiritual basis of collective living in a modern city.
4.     When architect Jaime Lerner took over the Brazilian city of Curitiba as its mayor in the 1970s and 80s, it was afflicted by all the familiar “third world” ills.  Lerner changed the living conditions of the city, its ailing economy, the poor transportation system, and the polluted environment, making him quite rightly an urban wizard.
5.     Louis Kahn’s Complex at Sherebanglanagar, with the buildings in a setting of lakes, gardens, orchards, and parks, is perhaps the closest modern vision of a “Bengali” city.  While the Parliament Building poses a monumental architectural presence, Kahn gave extensive thought to how the various buildings may be grouped in a setting of water and vegetation evoking imageries from the Bengali landscape.  One preponderant reflection for him was “how the buildings are to take their place on the land,” that is, in what ways the buildings can be grouped together so that they reveal the qualities of the place.  Kahn wanted to heighten the idea that buildings also come together in a particular way in the delta, and that the age-old deltaic practice of “dig-and-mound” could generate a modern interpretation of a hydrological architecture.
6.     Many cities of the world are now bypassing the national state in order to forge extra-national linkages with other urban centers around the world through new economic network.  For example, readymade garments, textiles, light manufacturing, and computer/information and medical outsourcing can be part of global industries in a far more energetic and productive way.  New urban nodes set up as model townships can be designated for a particular purpose complete with work places, training centres, residences, recreational facilities, etc.  Some of the nodes can also be set up as experimental, vertical farms and centers of energy production and, as described in the election manifesto of a major political party, as “high-tech park, software technology park, ICT incubator and computer villages.” 
7.   Hong Kong is a good example where an integrated planning approach has succeeded in maintaining low automobile dependency despite Hong Kong’s high per capita income and population density.  The success of Hong Kong’s pedestrianization was possible due to the integrated network of pathways that separate car and pedestrian, and allow those pathways and sidewalks to be spaces of their own. 

Population Growth in Dhaka City: 1610-1947


Introduction
In 2010, when Dhaka was all set to celebrate its 400 years anniversary as capital founding anniversary, the United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN-HABITAT) ranked Dhaka as the 9th largest megacity of the world in terms of the size of its population.1  UN-HABITAT has also projected that Dhaka would become the 4th largest megacity of the world with a population of 2,20,15,000 by 2025.2 The earlier population growth trends of Dhaka were also similarly stunning like the present as well as future trends as estimated by UN-HABITAT. The population growth trends of this city were determined by the dramatic rises and falls witnessed in the history of the city itself since its glorious ascendancy as Mughal capital of the suba Bangla 400 years ago.  In parallel with the demographic components of population growth such as fertility, mortality and migration, 3 the socio-politico-economic events of the city as well as the region in the context of Mughal, colonial and post-colonial regime had overwhelmingly and very naturally as well, impacted the city’s population structure and growth trends. Like many historical cities of the world, Dhaka, with its geographical centrality, strategically advantageous position and geo-hydrographical superiority along with its excellent communication networks in water and land with the other parts of the country and beyond, had all the potentiality to become one of the major cities in this region.4 In the pre-Mughal era, Dhaka’s urban-commercial ingenuity was evident in the celebrated commercial exposure of muslin in different continents since the ‘ancient maritime world’ 5 and the establishment of different non-agricultural and commercial profession-based area in the city.6 Islam Khan’s arrival with a large Mughal entourage of approximately 50,000 to 60,000 people and subsequent commissioning of Dhaka as the capital for the first time in 16107  had transformed the demographic scenario as well as the socio-politico-economic landscape of this city forever. Vibrant commercial activities along with the favourable entrepreneur environment facilitated by the Mughal rulers had attracted many foreign traders and travellers from this region and beyond to add demographic cosmopolitanism with the existing dynamism of the city.8
The major objective of this article is to describe and analyse the basic population growth trends of Dhaka city during 1610-1947 period. The discussion has advanced through three basic sections like data sources and approach of the study, population growth trends during 1610-1872 and 1872-1951 periods. The growth patterns of male-female population, sex ratio dynamics, religious composition context and population density of the city with comparative approach were analysed in the context of population growth patterns.

Data and Approach of the Study
Data Sources
James Taylor started the discussion on population of ‘Dacca’ titled ‘Population—Hindoos—Mohommedans—Christians’ in his ‘A Sketch of the Topography and Statistics of Dacca’ in a rather pessimistic way.9 The first sentence of this chapter‘… population of the district has never been accurately ascertained.’ had clearly implied a difficult context to address the population issues of Dhaka.10   A similar situation was also felt to determine the number and other population trends of Dhaka city in this discussion due to the nature and availability-unavailability of population data and its socio-politico-economic context. Basically data from two major sources namely historical sources and population censuses were used.  
 
Study Period
The total time period of this discussion 1610-1947 was divided into pre-census (1610-1872) and census (1872-1947) periods on the basis of the nature of population data. The data presented for 1610-1872 period are basically historical in nature. Some estimates and two early census data of Dhaka during these periods were analysed. The ending year of the first phase and the starting year of the second phase is 1872 which is historically significant as the first decennial population census of Indian subcontinent was administered in 1872.11   Although the title of this discussion indicates the end of the time period in 1947 for another obvious reason of the Independence of the Indian subcontinent, the analysis has been functionally extended to 1951 when the last decennial population census was taken during this period. 
  

Approach of the Study
The estimation and analysis of population growth trends in Dhaka city during the pre-census 1610-1872 period was divided into two phases following two distinctive types of socio-politico-economic regimes demarcated by the ending of the Mughal era and starting of the British colonial rule in 1765.12 Although Dhaka lost its capital status atthe beginning of the 18th century, its industrial-commercial and strategic importance continued until the cessation of the Mughal Empire in 1765 due to its position  as the Mughal Army and Naval  headquarter in the Eastern Bengal and its increased commercial-manufacturing activities.13 Along with administrative and commercial supremacy, population showed an upward growth trend in this era according to different historical observations and estimations (Table 1). As different historical sources did not mention the number of male-female separately, an attempt has been made to estimate the number of male-female separately on the basis of the average percentage of male-female during 1872-2001 periods which was calculated 57.94 and 42.06 respectively. It was applied on the ground that a population growth trend and a ‘revival’ process of Dhaka city, which was started a little earlier by the 1860s or 1870s, was observed during 1872-2001 periods like the Mughal era had gone through.14 In the absence of the absolute number, similar type of assumptive population estimation on the socio-politico-economic basis was also observed in James Taylor’s or Abdul Karim’s work.15 1765-1872 period constituted the second phase of the pre-census 1610-1872 period, when the city as well as the adjacent region came under the British colonial rule. Historians, travellers, colonial administrators have observed a holistic decline of the city since 176516 which was also demographically reflected in two early population censuses of 1830 and 1838 by Henry Walters and James Taylor respectively.17 The male-female percentage of James Taylor’s enumeration which was 51.84 and 48.16 respectively in 1838 was applied to estimate the male-female number separately during the pre-census 1765-1872 period on the basis that Dhaka city reached its nadir of decay during this early period of the 19th century.18 Absolute number of population, male-female number, population density, religion based population distribution, and other related population characteristics of this city were recorded during the census period of 1872-1951.
   Any study of Dhaka city requires the operational definition of the city as there are a number of identifications of this city by different administrative bodies. Before 1872, the area and population of the city was taken from different historical sources. After 1872, the jurisdiction of the ‘Dacca Municipality’, which was already constituted under the ‘District Municipal Improvement Act of 1864’, was used to analyse population growth trends of Dhaka City.19 However, for the year 1951, the area and population of the Dhaka Statistical Metropolitan Area (SMA) which is now called ‘Dhaka Megacity’ was also presented for comparative analysis.20

Population Growth Trends during 1610-1872
Population During 1610 to 1765
It is difficult to estimate the population during 1610-1765 period as there was no official population estimation during this pre-census Mughal period.21 Considering different historical sources in their relevant context, Abdul Karim estimated the population of Dhaka city at 1,00,000 to 1,25,000 during the founding  of the city as the Mughal capital.22 Almost half of this population constituted the Mughal military-administrative structure and their civil associates and the other half constituted the indigenous local population  and some outside traders and service providers for the large Mughal administration.23  Ahmad Hasan Dani and Sharif Uddin Ahmed also mentioned about 50,000 entourage of Islam Khan during his arrival at the city.24 The impacts of the changing political status of the city as well as the arrival of the Mughal ‘governmental establishment’ were absolutely colossal and it was vividly visible in this estimation as the population of the city became more than double. The administrative-commercial importance of the city continued to grow and its population and area had almost doubled by 1640.25 Portuguese monk Sebastian Manrique also mentioned about 2,00,000 people in Dhaka city in 1640.26 This second doubling growth of its population and perimeter within just 30 years of establishment as capital clearly implied an intense migration process of people to the city. Manrique mentioned about many temporary visitors, traders and workers who came to take the socio-economic advantages of this ‘chief city in Bengala and the seat of the principal Nababo or Viceroy…’. 27 Different European factories were established and ‘merchants, traders, and bankers’ from ‘Europeans, Armenians, Mughals, Pathans, Turanis, Marwaris and other up-country Hindus---- came to Dacca to do business’. 28
   Table-1: Population of Dhaka City from Different Historical Sources, 1610-186829

Year
Estimated
/Enumerated
Population*
Source
Estimated/
Enumerated  Male
Estimated/
Enumerated Female
Estimated Sex
Ratio
1610-1765 (Mughal Period)
1610
1,00,000-1,25,000
Abdul Karim
57,940-72,425
42,060-52,575

138
1640
2,00,000
Sebastian Manrique
1,14,480
85,520
1670-1688
8,00,000-10,00,000
1) Syed    Muhammed     Taifoor
2) Rahman Ali’s Tarikh-i-Dhaka
3) S N H Rizvi
4,57,920-5,79,400
3,42,080-4,20,600
1700
1,30,000
Tertius Chandler
75,322
54,678
1750
1,00,000
Tertius Chandler
57,940
42,060
1765
4,50,000

James Rennell
2,60,730
1,89,270
1765-1868 (British Period)
1786
2,00,000
 Abdul Karim
1,03,680
96,320

108
1800/1801
2,00,000
1) Home Miscellaneous Series, India Office Library
2) James Taylor
1,03,680
96,320
1814
2,00,000
Charles D’Oyly
1,03,680
96,320
1815
1,50,000
Walter Hamilton
77,760
72,240
1818
1,50,000
Karl Marx
77,760
72,240
1823-1824
3,00,000
Bishop Heber
1,55,520
1,44,480
1830
66,989
Henry Walters’ Census*
37,619
29,370
1837
20,000
Karl Marx
11,588
8,412
1838
60,617
James Taylor’s Census*
31,422
29,195
1867
51,636
History and Statistics of the Dacca Division
31,424
20,212
1868
60,000
George Bellet’s Estimation
31,104
28,896
* Only 1830 and 1838’s population, male, female were enumerated, others were estimated/observed.
    
The highest population estimation was found during the reign of Mir Jumla and Shaista Khan in between 1660 to 1688 which was termed as the ‘golden period of the city’ and Dhaka’s population was estimated  at 8,00,000 to 10,00,000 according to some sources.30 The continually increasing migration was mentioned as the cause of this four-fivefold population increase from 1640 and its area extended ‘fourteen miles inland from the bank of the river’ during this period.31 Abdul Karim termed this estimation ‘exaggeration’ and he estimated that Dhaka’s population must have been about four to five lakhs during the heyday of the city.32 Testimonies of different foreign travellers like Nicola Manucci in 1663, J.B. Tavernier in 1666 or Thomas Bowrey in 1669-79 did not mention any specific number of population, but they all confirmed about the prosperity and a large population of Dhaka city at that time.33
Dhaka’s population declined during the early 18th century as its capital status was stripped off in 1715-16 and the provincial administrative establishment with a large part of the Mughal army was transferred.34  Tertius Chandler’s historical census estimated a population decline from 1,30,000 in 1700 to 1,00,000 in 1750. Population decline was modest due to its increasing commercial and manufacturing activities by some European trading companies which increased about 75% at that time.35 Moreover, Dhaka remained the headquarter of Dhaka sub-province comprising of almost half of the present Bangladesh as well as the headquarter of the Mughal Army and Navy of Eastern Bengal.36 James Rennell estimated a population of 4,50,000 at the end of the Mughal rule in Dhaka in 1765.37

Population during 1765 to 1872
Dhaka’s glorious past began to fade with the advent of British colonial rule in 1765.     Different natural calamities like floods, famines, droughts and earthquakes were recorded in 1769-70, 1773, 1775, 1781, 1784, 1787-88 which caused many lives in the greater Dhaka district along with other parts of the region and many people migrated to Dhaka city ‘in the hope of finding some alleviation of their distresses’.38  But many thousands died of starvation in the city and its suburbs.39 Along with high mortality due to these natural disasters, British colonial trade policies and activities massively reduced different local thriving industries specially the cotton industry and the livelihoods of thousands of people and infrastructure of this city were worst affected.40 All these decay, destruction and de-urbanisation were reflected in Dhaka’s declining population in different historical observations and censuses. Population declined sharply during the early 19th century and ‘then levelled off to a stationary state for the next four decades’.41 James Taylor estimated 2,00,000 people in 1800/1801.42 Abdul Karim also estimated about 2,00,000 people in Dhaka in 1786 or 1800.43 If James Rennell’s estimation of 4,50,000 people in 1765 as a close estimation  to the real population of Dhaka city is considered, then it was a 55% decrease just within 35 years. Karl Marx who was critically analysing the ‘British Rule in India’ mentioned about 1,50,000 people in 1818 which declined to only 20,000 in 1837.44 Charles D’Oyly and Walter Hamilton estimated 2,00,000 and 1,50,000 people in 1814 and 1815 respectively which was close to Karl Marx’s estimation of 1,50,000 people in 1818. Bishop Heber estimated 3,00,000 people in 1823/1824 which W. W. Hunter termed as ‘a very excessive estimate’.45 The decline of the socio-politico-economic milieu of the city was best reflected in two early population censuses where population of the city was 66,989 in 1830 and 60,617 in 1838 by  Henry Walters and James Taylor respectively.46 Henry Walters’ census included the foreigners like Armenians, Greeks and others, whose numbers were 322 in 1830 in Dhaka.47 He opined that an assumption of nearly equal male-female proportion and inclusion of the armed forces would make Dhaka’s population to at least 75,000 in 1830.48 Henry Walters’ ‘Census of the City of Dacca’ is considered as perhaps the first complete census of any city of Indian subcontinent and best surveyed where population was classified by sex and broad age group with some other important socio-economic characteristics.49 James  Taylor’s  Census excluded 7,689 people living in the villages of the outskirts of the city and 304 Christians comprising English, Anglo-Indians, Portuguese, Armenians, Greeks, French and Dutch  whose inclusion  would make Dhaka’s population to 68,610 in 1838.50 Only Hindu and Muslim population in the main city area were included to present the total population of Dhaka city in James Taylor census.51   Some other estimates found a declining trend of population and it was estimated at 51,636 and 60,000 according to two estimates of 1867 and 1868 respectively.

Population Growth Trends during 1872-1951
The population of Dhaka city was 69,212 in 1872, when the first decennial population census of this region was taken. The next census was taken nine years later in 1881; however, the other remaining censuses in this discussion up to 1951 were taken decennially.

Table 2: Number, Intercensal Variation, Growth Rate of Dhaka City Population and Percent of the Total and Urban Population of Bangladesh, 1872-195152
Year
Dhaka’s
Total
Population
Intercensal Variation
Percent of National Urban population
Percent of
National
Population
Growth Rate (Exponential)
Number
Percent
1872
69,212
--
--
*3.73
.20
--
1881
79,076
+9,864
14.25
3.97
.21
1.49
1891
82,321
+3,245
4.10
3.70
.20
.403
1901
90,542
+8,221
9.99
12.90
.31
.956
1911
1,08,551
+18,818
20.97
13.45
.34
1.92
1921
1,19,450
+10,899
10.04
13.59
.36
.961
1931
1,38,518
+19,068
15.96
12.90
.39
1.49
1941
2,13,218
+74,700
53.93
13.87
.51
4.41
1951
2,76,033
**(4,11,279)

+62,815
(+1,98,061)

 29.46
(92.89)

15.17
(22.60)

.62
(.93)
 2.62
(6.79)
*Italic figures are for the area of the Bengal Province
** Figures in the parenthesis are for the Dhaka Megacity

Since 1872, a population increasing trend was observed. The intercensal percentage variation as well as the growth was the lowest in 1891 as school boys of the city were mostly absent due to holidays during the enumeration.53 According to the number of population less than 1,00,000,  Dhaka belonged to the category of ‘Class II town’ in Bengal Province during  1872-1901 periods.54  In this time, the absolute number of population growth was quite low except 1881 when a 14.25% intercensal increase was recorded. The average annual growth rate was also quite low and it was less than one per cent. The overall increase during 1872-1901 period in comparison with the earlier times was not hampered due to the absence of any ‘serious or widespread calamity affecting the normal growth of population’.55 Mortality declined due to decline in death rate from different diseases and introduction of different modern public health and hygiene measures in the city.56 On average, Dhaka had 3.8% and .20% of urban and total population respectively of

Figure 1: Population Growth of Dhaka City, 1872-1951
Figure 2: Population Growth Rate in Dhaka City, 1881-1951
the then Bengal province in 1872-1891 periods. With a population of 1,08,551 in 1911, Dhaka achieved the status of a  ‘Class I Town’ or City for the first time in census period with Kolkata and Howrah in Bengal Province according to the definition of the census of that time.57 Dhaka ranked third position among these three ‘Class I’ towns in Bengal in 1911.58  The intercensal percent variation of 9.99 in 1901 became 20.97 in 1911. The highest absolute population growth as well as more than two-times intercensal percentage increase with high growth rate of 1.92 within only ten years in 1911 could be explained in terms of Dhaka’s ascendancy as the ‘headquarters of the Eastern Bengal and Assam Government in 1905, after which people settled in increasing numbers in the town’.59 At the same time, this partition ‘aroused communal feelings in East Bengal to such an extent that the census of 1911 is considered to have suffered from some inflation’.60 Dhaka had 13.45% of the urban and .34% of the total population of the present Bangladesh area in 1911. Although the absolute population increased, the population growth trends declined in 1921 and it was explained in terms of, firstly, ‘many deaths from influenza epidemic of 1918’ and secondly, the census of 1921 was ‘boycotted, in some quarters due to the non-co-operation movement resulting in some under enumeration’.61 The annulment of the Partition of Bengal in 1911 and Dhaka’s relegation from capital to a mere district headquarter ‘was a heavy blow’ 62  also contributed to this declining trend of population in 1921. Among the cities of Indian subcontinent, Dhaka was 28th in 1921.63
Dhaka’s population again started to show increasing trends in 1931. In terms of absolute number, intercensal percentage increase, Dhaka’s share in urban and national population of the country and annual growth rate increased considerably. Dhaka’s population took a doubling from 69,212 in 1872 to 1,38,518 in 1931 and it took 59 years. Establishment of the University of Dhaka in 1921 again started to revitalize the city and the region.64 At the same time, ‘in view of the impending political reforms, there were also communal rivalries tending to inflate the enumeration to obtain political advantages’ in parallel with ‘still some opposition from non-cooperation’ contributed to this growth to some extent.65
The Census of 1941 recorded a large increase in absolute number, intercensal percentage and annual growth rate of population of the city. But the overall census figure of 1941 was evaluated ‘inflated’, because ‘the communal excitement became so great that each community vied with the other to swell their respective number by fair means or foul and by multiple fictitious enumerations’.66 As extent of political activities was greater in Dhaka city, it might be assumed that the level of over enumeration should also be higher in Dhaka city. 1941-1951 period were monumentally eventful for the history of the subcontinent and Dhaka as well. Dhaka again appeared as capital of East Pakistan in 1947 and in the 1951 census, it was the third largest city, next to Lahore and Karachi, in Pakistan.67 Although, the country’s total population increased slightly with a very low growth rate of 0.50 in 1951 from 1941 due to a number of historical causes, the population of Dhaka tremendous increased during this time.68 The second doubling of the population of Dhaka took place from 1,38,518 in 1931 to 2,76,033 in 1951, where there was a deficit of only 1,003 people to become the exact double figure. But if the area of Megacity Dhaka is considered, the population increased almost three times within these 20 years. Megacity Dhaka had 22.60% of the total urban population and .93% of the total population of the country which was the highest in 1872-1951 period in 1951. Megacity Dhaka had 6.79% annual growth rate in 1951 which was also the highest in this period. The growth patterns of the municipal area were quite modest in comparison with the previous years.

Growth of Male-Female in Dhaka City
The number of male had always been higher than female in Dhaka City. Male-female number in pre-census 1610-1872 period presented separately in Table 1 was estimated on the basis of a demographic assumption based on the socio-economic conditions prevailing at that time as mentioned earlier. Absolute number of male-female was found in 1830 and 1838 in Henry Walters’ and James Taylor’s census respectively. Male-female number was 37,619-29,370 in Henry Walters’ census in 1830 where people from all religions were included.69 James Taylor found 31,422 males and 29,195 females in 1838 comprising only the Hindu and Muslim people.70 Male declined from 56.16% in 1830 to 51.84% in 1838 which can be demographically explained in terms of decreased male migration to Dhaka due to declining socio-economic condition.

Table-3: Number, Percentage, Incercensal Variation and Annual Growth Rate of Male and Female in Dhaka City, 1872-195171
Year
Male
Number
Percent
Intercensal Variation
Annual Growth Rate (Exponential)
Number
Percent
1872
37,395
54.03
-
-
-
1881
41,703
52.74
+4,308
11.52
1.22
1891
45,199
54.90
+3496
8.38
0.80
1901
50,263
55.51
+5064
11.20
1.07
1911
63,091
58.12
+12,828
25.52
2.29
1921
67,333
56.37
+4,242
6.72
0.65
1931
79,365
57.30
+12,032
17.87
1.66
1941
1,23,156
57.76
+43,791
55.18
4.49
1951
1,71,884
(2,56,087)
62.27
(62.27)
+48,728
(+1,32,931)

39.57
(107.94)
3.39
(7.59)
Female
1872
31,817
45.97
-
-
-
1881
37,373
47.26
+5,556
17.46
1.80
1891
37,122
45.09
-251
-0.67
-0.067
1901
40,279
44.48
+3,157
8.50
0.82
1911
45,460
41.88
+5,181
12.86
1.21
1921
52,117
43.63
+6657
14.64
1.37
1931
59,153
42.70
+7,036
13.50
1.27
1941
90,062
42.24
+30,909
52.25
4.29
1951
1,04,149
*(1,55,192)
37.73
(37.73)
+14,087
(+65,130)
15.64
(72.32)
1.46
(5.59)
* Figures in the parenthesis are for the Dhaka Megacity

Since 1872, male percentage had showed a consistent increasing trend except 1881 and 1921.  The male and female average percentages were 56.55 and 43.44 respectively during 1872-1951 period. Number of male increased from 54.03% in 1872 to 62.27% in 1951. And inversely female percentage has showed a consistent decreasing trend except 1881 and 1921. It decreased from 45.97% in 1872 to 37.73% in 1951. Male intercensal percentage variation become more than double from 11.52 in 1872 to 25.52 in 1911, whereas female intercensal percentage variation decreased from 17.46 in 1872 to 12.86 in 1911. Male excessive increase in 1911, in terms of all growth parameters, can be explained by Dhaka’s emergence as the headquarter of the newly formed province of Eastern Bengal and Assam in 1905 where ample employment opportunity for male was created in ‘construction of public buildings, moreover, necessitated the employment of a large labour force, the population was further increased by the staff of the Secretariat and other offices’.72  Many immigrants were coming in Dhaka and ‘out of every thousand persons, 198 are foreign born’.73 These immigrants were employed in professions like ‘constables, railway servants, boatmen, general labourers, porters, domestic servants, scavengers and shoemakers’.74 The demographic impacts of the annulment of the province and losing capital status in 1911 were reflected in the male-female growth context in 1921 census. Male percentage decreased from 58.12 in 1911 to 56.37 in 1921 and female percentage increased from 41.88 in 1911 to 43.63 in 1921. Although female intercensal variation increased slightly, male intercensal variation decreased almost four times. Female growth rate was 1.37 and male growth rate was .65 which was less than half of the female growth rate in 1921. However, the male-female growth patterns return to its earlier trend in 1931. High percentage variation and high growth rate of male-female population in 1941 was due to the ‘inflated’ results of the census.75 Dhaka’s appearance as the capital of East Pakistan was highly reflected in the male–female percentage, intercensal percentage variation as well as male-female growth rate in 1951. The highest and the lowest percentage of male and female respectively were recorded during 1872-1951 period in 1951 census. A very similar trend was also recorded in 1911. The intercensal variation as well as the growth rate of both male-female was the highest in 1951 during 1872-1951 period.  

Sex Ratio in Dhaka City
Sex ratio of Dhaka city had clearly demonstrated the South-Asian urban character of the city in the 19th and 20th centuries where sex ratio had always been higher.76 Along with under enumeration of females, employment opportunities in trade, commerce, industries, offices etc. in the urban areas attracted many males for a living who usually left their wives and children in their country houses.77 Except 1830 and 1838, all the sex ratios during the pre-census 1610-1872 period were estimated (Table-1). As the enumerated number of male-female was available separately in two censuses of Henry Walters and James Taylor, the sex ratio was calculated 128 and 108 in 1830 and 1838 respectively. It should be mentioned here that these calculated sex ratios would be lower as the number of female should be higher in both censuses as many women, both from Muslim and Hindu communities, remained ‘behind the curtain’ and couldn’t be enumerated accurately.78 These declining trends of sex ratio of the city and more specifically, the sex ratio of 108 in 1838 which was very close to the natural sex ratio at birth79 appears as a very strong testimony of the declining socio-economic condition of the city. As male predominates in migration streams to the large cities in different less industrialized Southeast Asian countries,80 it can be safely assumed that male migration to the city was almost zero due to very few employment/work opportunity at that time.
Dhaka’s revitalization process was evident in the 1872’s sex ratio of 117 which increased from 108 in James Taylor’s 1838 census. The increased sex ratio in 1872 had indicated increased number of socio-economic, commercial and administrative activities in the city where male participation was higher. Dhaka’s appearance and disappearance as the capital of the Eastern Bengal and Assam was evident in the sex ratio trends where the highest sex ratio of 138 was recorded in 1911 during 1872-1911 period and its decline to 129 in 1921. The in-migration and out-migration of male population in Dhaka city during 1911 and 1921 respectively were reflected in these ups and downs of these sex ratios. Sex ratio showed a gradual and steady increasing trend during 1921-1941 period. The highest sex ratio of 161 was recorded in 1951, when Dhaka had again become the capital of the then East Pakistan. Dhaka’s growing administrative-commercial importance as well as more.
                        






Figure 3: Sex Ratio in Dhaka City, 1872-1951


Source: Calculated from Table 3

male involvement in these activities was evident in this highest sex ratio during 1872-1951 period. Along with this trend, many Hindus had already sent away their families to India after 1947 which also contributed to the increasing sex ratio of the city and in other urban areas.81

Religion Based Population Distribution in Dhaka City
Hindus and Muslims were the two major groups of Dhaka city and they constituted almost 99% of the total population during 1872-1951 period. Other religious group like Buddhist, Christian, Sikh, Jain, Jew, etc. were also found. Muslim percentage was found higher than Hindu in Henry Walters’ and James Taylor’s census. Muslim percentage increased from 52.60 in 1830 to 53.55 in 1838 and Hindu percentage decreased slightly from 46.92 in 1830 to 46.44 in 1838.82 The scenario changed since 1872 and a consistent Hindu percentage increase and inversely, a consistent Muslim percentage decrease were recorded till 1941. The Hindu

Table 4: Religion Based Number and Percentage of the People in Dhaka City, 1872-195183
Year
Hindu
Muslim
Buddhist
Christian
Sikh
Jain
Jew
Others
N
%
N
%
N
%
N
%
N
%
N
%
N
%
N
%
1872
34433
49.75
34275
49.52
4
.006
479
.69
--
--
--
--
--
--
21
.03
1881
39635
50.12
38913
49.20
--
--
--
--
--
--
--
--
--
--
528
.68
1891
42033
50.44
40827
49.00
--
--
467
.56
--
--
--
--
--
--
--
--
1901
48668
53.75
41361
45.68
28
.03
484
.53
--
--
--
--
--
--
--
--
1911
59994
55.26
47295
43.57
85
.08
898
.83
16
.01
--
--
9
.008
254
.23
1921
69145
57.89
49325
41.29
12
.01
710
.59
57
.04
5
.004
4
.003
192
.16
1931
80024
57.77
57764
41.70
26
.01
683
.49
16
.01
5
.003
--
--
--
--
1941
129233
60.61
82693
38.78
--
--
349
.16
53
.02
--
--
--
--
890
.42
1951
63058
15.60
339968
84.09
--
--
--
--
--
--
--
--
--
--
1,275
.31

percentage of 49.75 in 1872 increased to 60.61 in 1941 and the Muslim percentage of 49.52 in 1872 decreased to 38.78 in 1941. But in the Dhaka District as a whole, the Muslim percentage was higher.84 The Hindu-Muslim percentage in Dhaka District was 42 and 56.67; 40.5 and 59.1; and 38.7 and 60.8 in 1872, 1881 and 1891 respectively.85 But the scenario was different in the urban areas. The urban areas of Bengal had 67% of Hindu and 30% Muslim in 1911 although Muslim constituted ‘over one half of the total population, the percentage they contribute to the urban population is extremely small’ in Bengal.86 
             

Figure 4: Hindu-Muslim Percentage Changes in Dhaka, 1872-1951


The majority of the Hindus in urban areas of Bengal as well as in Dhaka city during 1872-1941 period could be explained by the fact that Hindu’s participation was greater in terms of both number and superiority in the resurrection process Dhaka was going through during that periods. Immigration of educated people, merchants, bankers, teachers, workerws, labourers, etc. was necessary in this revival of Dhaka and Hindus participated in greater number in this process. The Census of 1911 recorded the immigrants from ‘United Provinces and Bihar from which immigrants come in large numbers are Muzaffarpur, Darbhanga, Muzaffarnagar, Ghazipur, Ballia, Gorakhpur and Azamgarh’.87 Artisans, traders and labourers arrival from the rural areas of Dhaka District had also contributed to the growth.88  The religion based partition of the Indian Subcontinent in 1947 aroused one of the largest religion based population migration in the modern history and its impacts were clearly visible in the religious structure of Dhaka’s population. The religion based population structure of the last 70 years has changed overwhelmingly. In 1951 census, there were 84.09% Muslim and 15.60% Hindu in Dhaka city. Among the Muslim population of Dhaka city in 1951, about 21% people were Muhajirs who migrated from India to Pakistan.89 Along with this process, Dhaka’s reemergence as the capital of the then East Pakistan pulled many people to Dhaka city from other parts of the country which also contributed to the greater number of Muslims as well as population of the city.

Population Density in Dhaka City
Since 1872, Dhaka along with its neighbouring regions was found as one of the most densely populated areas in the world.90 Estimation of Dhaka’s population density seems more striking, if the different earlier historical estimation of population and area of Dhaka city are considered. It can be estimated at an astonishing 20,000 to 25,000 people per sq. mile during the city’s first appearance as a capital city in 1610.91 Dhaka’s area expanded quickly and population density can be estimated at about 20,000 people per sq. mile in 1640.92 Nicola Mannuci’s observation in 1663 testified high population density of the city.93 From the historical accounts mentioned by Sharif uddin Ahmed, Dhaka’s area expanded vastly to about 150 sq. miles with the suburbs during the ‘Golden Period of the City’ and its density can be estimated at 6,000 people per sq. mile.94 But the main city area covered only 25 sq. miles where density should be very high.95 According to Abdul Karim’s historical account, Dhaka’s population density could be estimated at about 10,000 to 12,500 people per sq. mile during the heyday of the city in the 17th century.96 Dhaka’s population and prosperity declined during the 18th century, but surprisingly, tremendously increased population density can be estimated from different historical sources. If James Rennell’s estimation is considered then population density of Dhaka was 45,000 people per sq. mile in 1765.97 It declined to 25,000 people per sq. mile in 1801.98 This apparent anomaly was explained in terms of many suburb’s people overcrowding and many rural people’s migration and settlement in the city centre due to a number of natural calamities, famines, fear of deaths and other related reasons.99 Population density became 12,123 people per sq.mile from James Taylor’s  observation in 1838.100 Population density in Dhaka city showed consistent increasing trends during 1872-1951 period. It was 422 and 10,058 persons per sq.mile for the then Bengal and Dhaka city respectively in 1872.  Dhaka’s density increased to 45,000 persons per sq.mile in 1951 which was almost a 4.5 fold increase in 79 years. The population density of Bangladesh or Dhaka Zilla had about a 2 fold increase at that time. Dhaka, on average, had an almost 25 times higher density than the country until 1901. After 1911, this difference become bigger and got irregular trends.

Table-5: Population Density of Bangladesh, Dhaka Zilla and Dhaka City, 1872-1951101
Year
Bangladesh
Dhaka Zilla
Dhaka City
Density Per sq.mile
Intercensal Variation
Density Per sq.mile
Intercensal Variation
Density Per sq.mile
Intercensal Variation
Number
Percent
Number
Percent
Number
Percent
1872
*422
--
--
--
--
--
10,058
--
--
1881
450
+28
6.64
750
--
--
11,491
+1,433
14.25
1891
484
+34
7.56
852
+102
13.6
11,963
+472
4.11
1901
508
+24
4.96
955
+103
12.09
13,157
+1,194
9.98
1911
554
+46
9.06
1,069
+114
11.94
15,917
+2,760
20.98
1921
584
+30
5.42
1,157
+88
8.23
17,566
+1,649
10.36
1931
625
+41
7.02
1,258
+101
8.73
23,086
+5,520
31.42
1941
737
+112
17.92
1,541
+283
22.50
35,536
+ 12,450
53.93
1951
775
+38
5.16
1,492
-49
-3.18
45,000
+9,464
26.63
*Italic figures are for the area of the Bengal Province

In 1911, density of Dhaka city was 15,917 and it was 28 times higher than the whole country and accordingly, intercensal percentage variation of Dhaka’s density was 20.98, which was the largest in 1872-1911 periods. It was more than 1.5 fold increase from the density of 1872. This density of the city in 1911 became more than double within 30 years in 1941. The density of 15,917 in 1911 became 35,536 in 1941. The intercensal percentage variation was 53.93 and it was the largest variation in 1872-1951 periods. Population density was the highest in 1951 like other components of the population growth trends in 1951. Dhaka was 58 times more densely populated than the whole country in that year.

Conclusion
The City of Dhaka had gone through basically three types of politico-administrative regimes of the Mughal, British and Pakistan administration during 1610-1951 periods. Corresponding socio-economic trends of these three administrations, along with the major demographic factors, have determined the nature and trends of population growth of the city and the region as well. Dhaka, as a Mughal capital had pulled many people of different professions, colour and creed from home and beyond, which metamorphosed the nature of its demographic structure and growth patterns overnightly.  It emerged as a ‘city’ of 20th century’s standard with more than 1,00,000 people in 1610. The Mughal administrative patronage and resultant increased economic-administrative prosperities continued about the next hundred years and increasing population trends was observed during this time. Shifting of the capital to Murshidabad in 1716-17 initiated the departure of a big portion of the Mughal administration and the population size decreased partially. But population decline was not that drastic due to increased commercial activities at that time. The major trends of population decrease started after the British colonial acquisition in 1765. Dhaka lost its administrative and commercial prosperity due to the imposition of the colonial administrative and trade policy. A number of natural calamities and famines were also recorded during 1769 to 1788.  Population continued to decline and its decay and destruction got their place in the discourse of the world political economy. Even after this extent of decay, Henry Walters found ‘Dacca’ as a ‘second rate’ city with greater population than Devenport or Brussels in 1830. A revitalisation process was going on in local administration, politics, economy and commerce, public health, education in the late 19th century in Dhaka and it was reflected in an ever increasing population growth trends since 1872. An average growth rate of 2.30 was recorded in 1872-1951 period.  Sex ratio had always been high in this city. Economic and administrative position had pulled many people to this city. Migration seemed to play the major role to accelerate the population growth. Being situated in a Muslim majority region, Hindus outnumbered the Muslims in this city during 1872-1951 period. Hindus’ higher number of participation in city’s resurrection process was responsible for this trend. Religion based migration between India and Pakistan after 1947 had drastically changed this trend. Dhaka’s capital ascendancy and descend in 1905 and 1911 respectively and again ascendancy in 1947 showed its impacts on the population growth patterns of the city. Push-pull aspects of migration played a major role to decrease or increase the population of Dhaka city respectively.



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81.  H. H. Nomani, Census of Pakistan, 1951, Volume 3, p. 62.
82.   Henry Walters, ‘Census, p. 548; James Taylor, A Sketch, p. 222.
83.  H. Beverley, Report, p. cxciv-cxcv; Census of 1881, Statements for the District of Dacca, p.7; E. A. Gait,  (1902), Census of India, 1901, Volume VIB, The Lower Provinces of Bengal and their Feudatories Part III, Provincial Tables, Calcutta: p.34-36; Census of India, 1901, p.18; E. A. Gait, (1913), Census of India, 1911, Volume 1, India Part II. Tables, p.24-25; W.H. Thompson, (1923), Census of India, 1921, Volume V. Bengal. Part II, p.22-25; J.H. Hutton, (1933), Census of India, 1931, Vol. 1-India. Part II. Imperial Tables, Delhi: pp.32-35; R.A. Dutch, (1942), Census of India, 1941, Vol IV, Bengal, Delhi:p.26; Manager of Publications, (1952), Census of Pakistan, 1951, Volume 1, Pakistan, Reports and Tables, Karachi: p.2-3.
84.  Collector of Dacca, (1892), District Census Reports, 1891, Dacca Division, p.1.
85.   ibid,
86.  Census of India, 1911, Volume V, Bengal, Bihar and Orissa and Sikkim. Part I, Report, By L.S.S. O’Malley, Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Book Depot, 1913, P-29.
87.  ibid,, P-33.
88.  Sharif Uddin Ahmed, Dacca, p.128.
89.  Manager of Publications, Census of Pakistan, 1951, pp.2-3.
90.  Sharif Uddin Ahmed, Dacca, p.9.
91.  Abdul Mohaimen, (Translated), (1990), Dhaka Nagar Unnayan Parikalpana [Report on Dhaka City Planning 1917] Patrick Geddes, Dhaka:p.12; Rosie Majid Ahsan, (1991), ‘Changing Pattern of the Commercial Area of Dhaka City’ Sharif Uddin Ahmed (ed.), Dhaka, p.399; Abdul Karim, Dacca, p.32.
92.  Abdul Karim, Dacca, p.90-92.
93.  ibid, p.36.
94.  Abdul Karim, Dacca, p.36, Sharif Uddin Ahmed, Dacca,  p.13.
95.  Sharif Uddin Ahmed, Dacca,  p.13.
96.  Abdul Karim, Dacca, pp.36-38, 91.
97.  Delwar Hassan (ed.), Commercial History pp. 591-592.
98.  Sharif Uddin Ahmed, Dacca,  p.14;  Rosie Majid Ahsan, ‘Changing Pattern ..’ Sharif Uddin Ahmed (ed.), Dhaka, p.399.
99.  Sharif Uddin Ahmed, Dacca,p.147; S.N.H. Rizvi (ed.), Bangladesh, p.34-36; Delwar Hassan (ed.), Commercial History, p. 610.
100.                James Taylor, A Sketch, pp.86, 222.
101.                W.H. Thompson, (1923), Census of India, 1921, Volume V. Bengal. Part I, Calcutta: pp. 20-21, 129;  Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, (2007), Bangladesh Population Census, 2001, National Series, Volume 1, Analytical Series, Dhaka: p.32; L.S.S. O’Malley, (1913), Census of India, 1911, Volume V, Bengal, Bihar and Orissa and Sikkim. Part I, Report, Calcutta: p.161; A. E. Porter, (1932), Census of India, 1931, Vol. V, Bengal and Sikim Part II Tables, Calcutta: p.252; R.A. Dutch, (1942),  Census of India, 1941, Vol IV, Bengal, Tables, Delhi: p.67; H.H.Nomani, (1952), Census of Pakistan, 1951, Volume 3, East Bengal Reports and Tables, Karachi:p.45; H.H.Nomani, (1952), Census of Pakistan, 1951, Volume 3, East Bengal Reports and Tables, Karachi:p.40